Patriot Letter. Dated 1/29/05.

Archived by k0nsl.



Dear Fellow Patriot!

Before we get serious, let’s do something educational.

Lohengrin – Vienna State Opera – Conductor Claudio
Abado – cast: Placido Domingo, Robert Lloyd, Hartmut

Who wrote Lohengrin? First one to tell me will get the
marvelous DVD for free.


“As Nazi death doctor, Josef Mengele drained her left
arm of blood, while filling her right arm with poisons
and germs, Evy Mozses Kor vowed to survived.”

The Sacramento Bee:

The coverage of the print media this morning was
worthy of a state funeral! It went overboard when
covering the staged show in Auschwitz. But enough! See
for yourself at the web address above. Here is my
letter to the editor:


Dear Editor,

With much disgust did I read The Bee’s coverage of the
60-year anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz.
The pictures of buildings and surroundings, built
after the war, shown in The Bee, reminded me of a big
stage, created by Hollywood.

Like every year, the facts are distorted and the
eyewitness accounts are vivid imaginations of
attention getters.

The truth: Right after the liberations, the Russians
closed Auschwitz for ten years. When it was re-opened,
suddenly crematories and gas chambers were found,
which were not there before.

There were no gas chambers in Auschwitz! Experts, like
Fred Leuchter and Diplome Engineer Germar Rudolf have
proven that some time ago.

And as every year, the Auschwitz show brought out
politicians from around the world, securing their
re-election funds and paying tribute to a lie.

Walter F. Mueller
“The truth is back in business”
PO Box 191677
Sacramento, CA 95819


I received several inquiries about Fred Leuchter. Here
it is, from the Community News Library Archives:


Inside the Auschwitz ‘Gas Chambers’
By Fred A. Leuchter, Jr.


1988 was a very informative and likewise disturbing
year. I was appalled to learn that much of what I was
taught in school about twentieth-century history and
World War II was a myth, if not a lie. I was first
amazed; then annoyed; then aware: the myth of the
Holocaust was dead.

Like all American children born during and after World
War II, I was taught about the genocide perpetrated by
the Nazis on the Jews. By the time I had reached
college, I had no reason to disbelieve any of my
education, except that I had some problems swallowing
the numbers of decedents, said to total some six
million. But there it stopped. I believed in the Nazi
genocide. I had no reason to disbelieve.

Some 24 years later, a very believing engineer sat at
his desk working one snowy January afternoon in 1988,
when the telephone rang. This very believing engineer
was about to receive a very shocking history lesson,
one which would cause him to question that 50-year-old
Holocaust lie and the application of that lie to
generations of children. “Hello, this is Robert
Faurisson” — and that very believing engineer would
believe no more.


I have for the past nine years worked with most, if
not all, of the states in the United States having
capital punishment. I design and manufacture execution
equipment of all types, including electrocution
systems, lethal injection equipment, gallows and
gas-chamber hardware.

I have consulted for, or supplied equipment to, most
of the applicable states and the federal government.

Because of my association with the states in this
capacity, I was recommended to the Zündel defense as a
consultant on gas chambers by Warden Bill Armontrout
of the Missouri State Penitentiary.

After answering my telephone on that cold January
afternoon, I met with Dr. Robert Faurisson twice in
Boston and, as a result of these meetings, I was
summoned to Toronto to meet with Ernst Zündel,
attorney Douglas Christie and the rest of Zündel’s
very able staff.

Dr. Robert Faurisson had postulated 13 years ago that
a gas-chamber specialist should be sought who could
evaluate the alleged gas chambers in Poland and report
on their efficacy for execution purposes.

Valentine’s Day weekend found me and Carolyn, my wife
of two weeks, in Toronto. Two days of lengthy meetings
followed, during which I was shown photos of the
alleged German gas chambers in Poland, German
documents and Allied aerial photographs. My
examination of this material led me to question
whether these alleged gas chambers were, in fact,
execution facilities. I was asked if I would go to
Poland and undertake a physical inspection and
forensic analysis resulting in a written evaluation of
these alleged execution gas chambers, some at places I
had never even heard of.

After due consideration, I agreed and made plans to
leave for Poland, awaiting a time of minimal snow
covering. I also stated that although the photos and
documents seemed to support the view that these places
were, indeed, not execution facilities, I would
reserve final judgment until after my examination and,
if I determined that these facilities were, in fact,
or could have been, execution gas chambers, I would
state this in my report. The final report was to be
utilized as evidence in Ernst Zündel’s defense in his
pending criminal trial at Toronto, and I had to be
prepared to testify under oath.

Preparations for the trip required me to take sample
bags, documentation journals and tools. Because we
were in a Communist country, I would have to be
careful with the tools. Very few tourists carry
hammers, chisels, star drills and tape measures while
travelling. I hid them in the lining of my valise and
hoped for the best. Further, I had maps of Poland,
Czechoslovakia and Austria, in the event that we might
have to make a hasty and unscheduled exit. And
finally, I had gifts with which we bribed the museum
people to supply us with copies of documents from the
Museum Archives.

Our Staff

I was fortunate to have a competent and dependable
party of professionals: my wife Carolyn, my general
assistant; Mr. Howard Miller, draftsman; Mr. Jürgen
Neumann, cinematographer; Mr. Tijudar Rudolf,
interpreter. All knew that, if caught, the Polish
government would take a dim view of our activities and
purpose, let alone my removal of forensic samples from
national shrines and monuments.

And the two ex officio members of our party, Mr. Ernst
Zündel and Dr. Robert Faurisson, who could not
accompany us in person, but who nevertheless were with
us every step of the way in spirit.

The Trip

On February 25, 1988, we left for Poland. Neumann and
Rudolf, the Canadian contingent, joined me and the
remainder of our team in Frankfurt.

We arrived at Cracow in the late afternoon and spent
our first night at the Hotel Orbis. We consumed the
first of our three decent meals while in Poland. The
following day we drove to Oswiecim (Auschwitz). We
arrived at the Auschwitz hotel and were greeted by the
smell of sulphur napthal disinfectant, a smell I had
not encountered for many years. The hotel is
apparently the old officers’ quarters for the camp. We
ate lunch at the hotel dining room, a cafeteria style
facility. This was our first unidentifiable meal,
starch soup and sundries.

We made a reconnaissance tour of the camp, lasting
into the dim light of the Polish afternoon and several
snow squalls, a common occurrence. We ate no supper,
in that we found no place to eat in Auschwitz after
sundown our first evening.

Auschwitz and Birkenau

The following day we began our work in the alleged gas
chamber at the Auschwitz [camp] facility.
Unfortunately, we were unable to accomplish much due
to constant interruptions by both official and
unofficial Sunday tours. Carolyn stood guard at one
entrance and Tijudar at the other, advising myself,
Jürgen and Howard of their arrival. It was too
dangerous to take forensic samples and tape, so we
left for Birkenau [camp site] about noon.

At Birkenau we began a four-hour walk into the damp
Polish cold and through snow squalls so dense we could
not see each other at a distance of a few feet.
Unfortunately, we did not expect to spend that much
time walking through the camp and, since vehicles are
not permitted within the camp, we left Carolyn behind
in the car. Since we forgot to leave her the keys, she
nearly froze in the cold Polish afternoon. We visited
the barracks, crematories II, III, IV and V, the sauna
and the alleged burning pits. We took samples,
documented our activities on video tape and in still
photos, and made scale drawings of these facilities,
carefully documenting the removal locations of all the
forensic samples. We had to break into the sauna
building, since it was locked.

At crematory II, I descended into the depths of the
alleged gas chamber, a wet, dank subterranean place
not visited by man in almost 50 years, since the
building had been reduced to rubble, probably by a
German military demolition team. Fortunately, there
were fewer guards and less pedestrian traffic, making
working conditions considerably better than they had
been earlier at Auschwitz.

Having been instructed by our empty stomachs of the
evening before, we found and ate at the restaurant at
the bus station, the only legitimate restaurant in
Auschwitz. We returned to the Auschwitz hotel for the

The following day, Monday, we again began our work at
Auschwitz [camp site], the Sunday tours having
subsided. We were able to get our samples, tapes and
documentation. We had, by this time, obtained
blueprints of the alleged gas-chamber facility and
were able to follow the structural changes back to the
dates in question. We also verified the existence of
the floor drain for the periods of alleged gas chamber
usage. Upon completion at Auschwitz, we drove again to
Birkenau to take our control sample at delousing
facility 1. Unfortunately, the building was locked and
again we had to break and enter in order to access the
delousing chamber. Again we ate at the bus station,
and retired early to the Auschwitz hotel.

Tuesday morning, while awaiting Tijudar’s unsuccessful
attempt to obtain a can of Zyklon B, Jürgen and I made
video tapes of locations within the camp. We moved
from the Auschwitz hotel to a hostel nearby, obtaining
newly vacated rooms. We ate at the bus station and
retired early.

On Wednesday morning [the 2nd] we ate a very enjoyable
breakfast of ham, cheese and bread (our second decent
meal in Poland) and began our trip to Lublin to see
the Majdanek camp site. After one final look in at
Auschwitz, we set off by car for Majdanek.


Several hours later, we arrived at Majdanek (Lublin),
and visited the museum, the reconstructed alleged gas
chamber and the crematory. We finally arrived at
disinfection [buildings] 1 and 2, and examined the
facilities. It was extremely difficult to work, in
that a guard made rounds every 10 or 15 minutes. The
alleged gas chambers were blocked by gates and not
accessible for a detailed inspection by the general
public. It was necessary for me to trespass beyond
these gates in forbidden areas. Again Carolyn and
Tijudar stood watch while I made measurements and did
a detailed examination in these areas. Once we were
caught short: I was forced to hurdle the gate, and was
still in the air and in mid-jump when the guard
entered. Fortunately, he was more interested in Jürgen
and his camera to see me before I touched ground.


The camp closed in early afternoon and the guard
rather nastily told us to leave. By three o’clock we
were en route to Warsaw, a trip that would take five
hours through rain and snow. Our hotel reservation had
been fouled up but, fortunately, with the help of an
embassy attache, we were able to secure rooms at
another hotel.

We had our third edible meal in Poland that evening,
and went to bed in preparation for our trip home on
Thursday. The following morning [March 3] we had
breakfast and proceeded to the airport for our return

We boarded the Polish airlines plane after clearing
customs — my suitcase containing twenty pounds of the
forbidden samples, fortunately none of which was
found. I did not breathe easy until we cleared the
passport checkpoint at Frankfurt. Our team split at
Frankfurt for the return trips to the United States
and Canada, respectively. After our return, I
delivered the forensic samples to the test laboratory
in Massachusetts. Upon receipt of the test results, I
prepared my report, combining my knowledge of gas
execution facilities and procedures with the research
I had completed at crematories and with retort
manufacturers in the United States. With the results
of my research I believe you are all familiar.

Upon completion of my report I testified at Toronto —
but that is another story.

The Findings:

1. Gas Chambers
The results published in the Leuchter Report are the
important thing. Categorically, none of the facilities
examined at Auschwitz, Birkenau or Lublin (Majdanek)
could have supported, or in fact did support, multiple
executions utilizing hydrogen cyanide, carbon monoxide
or any other allegedly or factually lethal gas. Based
upon very generous maximum usage rates for all the
alleged gas chambers, totalling 1,693 persons per
week, and assuming these facilities could support gas
executions, it would have required sixty-eight (68)
years to execute the alleged number of six millions of
persons. This must mean the Third Reich was in
existence for some seventy-five (75) years. Promoting
these facilities as being capable of effecting mass,
multiple or even singular executions is both ludicrous
and insulting to every individual on this planet.
Further, those who do promote this mistruth are
negligent and irresponsible for not investigating
these facilities earlier and ascertaining the truth
before indoctrinating the world with what may have
become the greatest propaganda ploy in history.

2. Crematories
Of equal importance are Exterminationist errors
relating to the crematories. If these crematories,
operated at a theoretical rate of maximum output per
day, without any down time and at a constant pace (an
impossible situation), and we accept the figure of at
least six million executed, the Third Reich lasted for
at least forty-two (42) years, since it would take
thirty-five (35) years at an impossible minimum to
cremate these six million souls.

No one by any stretch of the imagination would allege
(or even believe) that the Third Reich ever lasted for
seventy-five (75) or even forty-two (42) years, yet
they would have us believe that six million souls were
executed with equipment that could not possibly have
functioned, in less than one-seventh of the absolute
minimum time it could possibly have taken.

3. Forensics
Forensic samples were taken from the visited sites. A
control sample was removed from delousing facility 1
at Birkenau. It was postulated that because of the
high iron content of the building materials at these
camps the presence of hydrogen cyanide gas would
result in a ferric-ferro-cyanide compound being
formed, as evidenced by the Prussian blue staining on
the walls in the delousing facilities.

A detailed analysis of the 32 samples taken at the
Auschwitz-Birkenau complexes showed 1,050 mg/kg of
cyanide and 6,170 mg/kg of iron. Higher iron results
were found at all of the alleged gas chambers but no
significant cyanide traces. This would be impossible
if these sites were exposed to hydrogen cyanide gas,
because the alleged gas chambers supposedly were
exposed to much greater quantities of gas than the
delousing facility. Thus, chemical analysis supports
the fact that these facilities were never utilized as
gas execution facilities.

4. Construction
Construction of these facilities shows that they were
never used as gas chambers. None of these facilities
were sealed or gasketed. No provision was ever made to
prevent condensation of gas on the walls, floor or
ceiling. No provision ever existed to exhaust the
air-gas mixture from these buildings. No provision
ever existed to introduce or distribute the gas
throughout the chamber. No explosion-proof lighting
existed and no attempt was ever made to prevent gas
from entering the crematories, even though the gas is
highly explosive. No attempt was made to protect
operating personnel from exposure to the gas or to
protect other non-participating persons from exposure.
Specifically, at Auschwitz, a floor drain in the
alleged gas chamber was connected directly to the
camp’s storm drain system. At Majdanek a depressed
walkway around the alleged gas chambers would have
collected gas seepage and resulted in a death trap for
camp personnel. No exhaust stacks ever existed.
Hydrogen cyanide gas is an extremely dangerous and
lethal gas, and nowhere were there any provisions to
effect any amount of safe handling. The chambers were
too small to accommodate more than a small fraction of
the alleged numbers. Plain and simple, these
facilities could not have operated as execution gas

5. Conclusion
After a thorough examination of the alleged execution
facilities in Poland and their associated crematories,
the only conclusion that can be arrived at by a
rational, responsible person is the absurdity of the
notion that any of these facilities were ever capable
of, or were utilized as, execution gas chambers.

About the Author

Fred A. Leuchter, Jr., has been widely acknowledged as
America’s leading specialist on the design and
fabrication of homicidal gas chambers and other
equipment used in execution of convicted criminals.
His expertise has been acknowledged by state
governments and in periodicals such as The Atlantic
(Feb. 1990), The New York Times (Oct. 13, 1990) and
The New York Times Book Review (Nov. 22, 1992), as
well as on the “Phil Donahue Show,” where he appeared
as a guest. After receiving his Bachelor’s degree from
Boston University in 1964, he did postgraduate work at
the Harvard Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory.
Leuchter holds patents for numerous highly
sophisticated technical devices, including sextants,
surveying instruments and optical encoding equipment.

Leuchter spoke at length about his investigation at
Auschwitz and other camp sites in sworn courtroom
testimony, April 20-21, 1988, in the Toronto
“Holocaust” trial of German-Canadian publisher Ernst
Zündel. Leuchter’s detailed Report on his
investigation and findings has been published in
numerous editions in all major languages.

Infuriated by his stunning court testimony and his
Report, powerful special interest groups responded
with an intense worldwide campaign against Leuchter.
This vicious campaign of slander and vilification
ultimately succeeded in destroying his career.



Let’s now continue with our coverage of the real
holocaust, the Allied war crimes:


Killing Noncombatants
by Sheldon Richman

In May 11, 1940, Great Britain made a fateful decision
in its approach to fighting the second world war. On
that night, eighteen Whitley bombers attacked railway
installations in the placid west German province of
Westphalia, far from the war front. That forgotten
bombing raid, which in itself was inconsequential, has
been called “the first deliberate breach of the
fundamental rule of civilized warfare that hostilities
must only be waged against the enemy combatant forces”
(See Advance to Barbarism [1953] by F.J.P. Veale). J.
M. Spaight, who had been principal secretary of
Britain’s Air Ministry, wrote later, in his book
Bombing Vindicated (1944), that “it was we who started
the strategic [i.e., civilian] bombing offensive” with
the “splendid decision” of May 11, 1940. “It was,”
wrote Spaight with horrifying honesty, “as heroic, as
self-sacrificing, as Russia’s decision to adopt her
policy of ‘scorched earth.”‘ Note that the German
attack on Coventry, which is often cited as the first
strategic bombing in the war between Germany and
Britain, occurred six months later (on November 14,
1940). Note further that part of the British bombing
strategy was apparently to provoke German attacks on
England in order to stimulate support for total war
against the Third Reich. As the official Air Ministry
volume, The Royal Air Force, 1939-1945: The Fight at
Odds (1953), stated:

“If the Royal Air Force raided the Ruhr, destroying
oil plants with its most accurately placed bombs and
urban property with those that went astray, the outcry
for retaliation against Britain might prove too strong
for the German generals to resist. Indeed, Hitler
himself would probably head the clamour. The attack on
the Ruhr, in other words, was an informal invitation
to the Luftwaffe to bomb London.”

The first instance of “area” bombing, guided by a
newly expanded definition of military target, occurred
at Mannheim in December 1940, in which bombs were
dropped on factories and the homes of factory workers.
On February 14, 1942, the policy of targeting other
than military sites became more explicit. With World
War II now in full gear, Prime Minister Winston
Churchill’s British government directed the Bomber
Command of the Royal Air Force to begin the
destruction of German civilian morale. In other words,
it was open season on cities. The decision was
curious, for, as the neoconservative Paul Johnson
wrote in Modern Times (1983):

“By the end of 1941, with both Russia and America in
the war, the defeat of Hitler, as Churchill himself
realized, was inevitable in the long run. The
utilitarian rationale for attacks on cities had
disappeared; the moral case had always been

The bombing policy was formalized in the Lindemann
Plan in March 1942, when the Bomber Command was placed
under the direction of Sir Arthur “Bomber” Harris, who
inaugurated civilian bombing in the Middle East and
India in the 1920s. Later that month, the city of
Lubeck, an old Hanseatic port with no military
significance, was targeted. In the words of the
official report, it “burned like kindling.” Half the
city was destroyed.

By the summer of 1942, the United States was part of
the air-terror campaign. On the night of July 27-28,
British bombers attacked Hamburg, creating monstrous
firestorms with temperatures of 800-1000 degrees
centigrade over the city. The results: 40,000 people
killed, 214,350 homes destroyed, 4,301 factories
leveled, eight square miles burned.

On the night of February 13-14, 1945, what Johnson
called “the greatest Anglo-American moral disaster of
the war against Germany occurred.” Dresden, a city of
indescribable beauty and no military value whatsoever,
was destroyed. In two bombing waves (the second after
relief efforts were underway), firestorms over eight
square miles were ignited with 650,000 incendiaries.
Some 135,000 people, including children in holiday
carnival costumes, were killed; 4,200 acres were
turned to rubble. “For the first time in the war a
target had been hit so hard that not enough
able-bodied survivors were left to bury the dead,”
wrote Johnson. “The funeral pyres were still flaming a
fortnight after the raid.” Why was it attacked? As
Johnson put it, “The origin of the raid was the desire
of Roosevelt and Churchill at the Yalta Conference to
prove to Stalin that the Allies were doing their best
to assist the Russian effort on the Eastern front.”
German civilians were barbecued for the Bolsheviks’
westward offensive.

The unspeakable evil of the Dresden bombing made even
Churchill pause. He wrote to the chief of the Air
Staff, Sir Charles Portal, six weeks later:

“It seems to me that the moment has come when the
question of bombing of German cities simply for the
sake of increasing the terror, though under other
pretexts, should be reviewed. The destruction of
Dresden remains a serious query against the conduct of
Allied bombing…. I feel the need for more precise
concentration upon military objectives, such as oil
and communication behind the immediate battle-zone,
rather than on mere acts of terror and wanton
destruction, however impressive.”

(The official British history of the air offensive
commented that Churchill “had forgotten [his] own
recent efforts to initiate and maintain the

It was only the beginning. In the Pacific theater, the
Americans applied the British strategy of targeting
civilians. Sixty-six Japanese civilian centers were
hit from March to July 11945, even as the U.S.
authorities were receiving indications of a Japanese
desire to surrender. The raids, involving 100,000 tons
of incendiaries, destroyed 170,000 densely populated
square miles. As night fell on March 9, three hundred
B-29s laid waste to fifteen square miles of Tokyo.
Eighty-three thousand were killed and 102,000 were
injured in the firestorms. Up to roughly that point,
the bombings in Japan had leveled two and a quarter
million buildings; nine million people were homeless;
260,000 were dead; 412,000 were injured.

The climax came on August 6. After dropping more than
700,000 warning leaflets, the United States dropped a
uranium bomb on Hiroshima. On that day and the days
following, 200,000 died — burned, vaporized,
suffocated. The deaths of some were evidenced only by
the shadows they left on walls. Three days later, a
second atomic bomb, this one powered by plutonium, was
dropped on Nagasaki — 74,800 dead. Two more cities
were put on the A-bomb target list, but Japan’s
surrender on August 14 averted the strikes.

Thus the most destructive military conflict in human
history ended. A new threshold had been crossed. The
old rules of avoiding noncombatant casualties were
erased. The bombing rules drafted after World War I
were forgotten. The era of total war had arrived.
Anyone was fair game. The murder of innocents became
“collateral damage.”

A sophisticated moral treatise should not be required
to indict civilian bombing. Noncombatants had been
ruled off-limits, because it was universally regarded
as wrong to kill for the sake of sheer terror. War,
though unspeakably horrific, was not to be an excuse
for the dropping of all moral restraint. This made
impeccable sense. The disputes between governments
should not be permitted to spill onto the people
forced to live under those governments. People rarely
go to war. They are too busy making a living and
raising their families; wars are costly. When they do
go to war, they have first been whipped into a frenzy
by dishonest political leaders, whose petty ambitions
are often advanced by a seemingly great national
purpose. The leaders rarely do the paying or the
dying. They are too busy with the big picture. The
details are left to the people. (See Paul Fussell’s
great book Wartime [1989]).

When Allied misconduct in World War (or any war) is
pointed out, many Americans become defensive, as
though acknowledging government’s moral lapses is bad
manners, if not outright treason. That attitude is
unbecoming to the political heirs of Jefferson and
Madison, who understood the dangers intrinsic to the
state and who grasped that eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty. Those who wish not to dwell on
Allied atrocities often respond that the enemy was
engaged in such horrors as the rape of Nanking, the
Bataan death march, the bombing of Rotterdam and
Warsaw, the Holocaust.

So that is what it comes down to: Dresden? Tokyo?
Hiroshima? Nagasaki? They were no worse than the
crimes of the Japanese imperialists and the Nazis. At
that point, a plea of innocence is hard to distinguish
from a plea of guilty.

Mr. Richman is senior editor at the Cato Institute in
Washington, D. C., and the author of Separating School
& State, published by The Future of Freedom



New Order:



The Incredible Holohoax

In all of German-occupied Europe during World War II,
there were 2.4 million Jews.

After the war 3.8 million Jews applied for “Holocaust”

As one wag has noted, “Tragically, the remaining 6
million were lost.”


For more “fun facts” and a list of titles exposing the
Holocaust Myth, send a stamped, self-addressed
envelope (out of country $1) to:
NS Publications, PO Box 188, Ottawa Lake MI 49267.

Dept E
PO Box 270486
Milwaukee WI 53227



Michael Walsh:


Racism Charge on Merseyside Mum of Three

Elizabeth Hunt (36) has appeared in court accused of
publishing neo-Nazi race hate propaganda. A member of
the Racial Volunteer Force, she appeared with
similarly charged Nigel Piggins of Hull, Jonathan Hill
of Manchester, Steven Bostock of Oldham, Michael
Dennis of South London, and Kevin Quinn of Bedford.
All are charged with conspiracy to publish and
distribute material intended to stir up racial hatred.

At this point what these people have actually done
isn’t known as yet but clearly it is now an offence,
more so than ever before, to criticise the
consequences of the Government’s immigration policies.
The Race Relations act was the biggest own goal in
history. It was never intended to protect the
sensitivities of non-Whites. It was there to protect
the Government from criticism of the consequences of
immigration. It is CENSORSHIP by the State and it
should have been exposed and combated as such, which
would bring more sympathy and votes than showing
disrespect (whatever the frustrations) to those of
other race.

Michael Walsh.





Reading the books Truth for Germany and The Soul of
Germany, well, all I can say is wow………..I had
known some of what is written……………but so
much I did not know. But it all fits……..




Chuck Baldwin:


You Might Be A Constitutionalist If…
By Chuck Baldwin
January 28, 2005

More than thirty years as a student of American
history, constitutional government, and the Holy Bible
leads me to the conviction that the two major
political parties in this country are equally culpable
in stripping America of its founding principles. In

my opinion, both the Democrat and Republican parties
Washington, D.C., have zero fidelity to the U.S.
Constitution and zero respect for America’s
foundational precepts.

In my studied opinion, neither the Democrat nor
Republican Party has any intention of slowing the
out-of-control expansion of government. Neither party
has demonstrated any loyalty to preserving and
protecting our constitutional form of government or
shows any real resolve to saving the lives of innocent

Like National Socialists and Soviet Socialists of old,
the only thing that concerns Democrats and Republicans
today is who is in power. Both are equally willing to
destroy the freedoms and liberties of people without
conscience or regret as long as their party remains in

For this reason, I have abandoned the two major
parties and am proudly affiliated with an independent
party that truly represents America’s founding
principles and my convictions. That party is the
Constitution Party.

Furthermore, knowing that there are countless other
patriotic, God-fearing Americans across this nation
who realize that both major parties have become
impotent and irrelevant when it comes to representing
constitutional principles, I offer the following test.
Read it and see if you, too, are a Constitutionalist.
(Yes, Martha, this is another Jeff Foxworthy

1. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that elected leaders should really obey the U.S.

2. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that before the United States invades and occupies
another country, Congress must first declare war.

3. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe the
federal government should live within its means, like
everyone else is forced to do.

4. You might be a Constitutionalist if you think that
taking away people’s liberties in the name of security
is neither patriotic nor does it make the country more

5. You might be a Constitutionalist if you would like
to see politicians be forced to abide by the same laws
they make everyone else submit to.

6. You might be a Constitutionalist if you understand
that we have three coequal branches of government that
are supposed to hold each other in check and balance.

7. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that the federal government has no authority to be
involved in education or law enforcement.

8. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that gun control laws do nothing but aid and abet
criminals while trampling the rights and freedoms of
law abiding citizens.

9. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that the income tax is both unconstitutional and
immoral and, along with the I.R.S., should be

10. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
the federal government had no authority to tell
Alabama Chief Justice Roy Moore that he could not
display a monument containing the Ten Commandments in
the Alabama Judicial Building in Montgomery.

11. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that neither Congress nor the White House nor any
sovereign state is required to submit to
unconstitutional Supreme Court rulings such as the Roe
v Wade decision.

12. You might be a Constitutionalist if you understand
that freedom has nothing in common with illegal

13. You might be a Constitutionalist if you understand
that outsourcing American jobs overseas is not good

14. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that the United States should get out of the United
Nations and get the United Nations out of the United

15. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that it is not unconstitutional for children in public
schools to pray or read the Bible.

16. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that the Boy Scouts are not a threat to America.

17. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that the federal government should honor its
commitments to America’s veterans.

18. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that U.S. troops should never serve under foreign
commanders or wear the uniform or insignia of the
United Nations.

19. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that the federal government has no business bribing
churches and faith-based organizations with federal
tax dollars.

20. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that federal agents who murder American citizens
should be held to the same laws and punishments that
any other citizen would be held to.

21. You might be a Constitutionalist if you understand
that NAFTA, GATT, the WTO, and the FTAA are disastrous
compromises of America’s national sovereignty and

22. You might be a Constitutionalist if you would like
to see Congressmen and Senators be required to
actually read a bill before passing it into law.

23. You might be a Constitutionalist if you understand
that it is the job of government to protect and secure
God-given rights not use its power to take those
rights away.

24. You might be a Constitutionalist if you understand
that there is nothing unconstitutional with the public
acknowledgement of God and our Christian heritage.

25. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that in the beginning God made Adam and Eve not Adam
and Steve.

26. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that airport screeners have no business touching
women’s breasts and confiscating fingernail clippers.

27. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that many public schools’ “zero-tolerance” policies
are just plain stupid.

28. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that parents  have a right to home school their

29. You might be a Constitutionalist if you believe
that governmental seizure of private property is
plain, old fashioned thievery.

30. You might be a Constitutionalist if you would like
to meet one single Congressman or Senator beside Ron
Paul who acts as if he or she has ever read the U.S.

Well, how did you fare? Are you a Constitutionalist?
If you are, why not consider joining the Constitution
Party? Check out their
website at:

© Chuck Baldwin


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Walter F. Mueller
“The truth is back in business”

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